Hungarian Spectrum

Fidesz diplomacy?

It is hard to call the joint meeting of the Slovak-Hungarian parliamentary committees on human rights anything other than a fiasco. Or a scandal. And the man who is responsible for it is Zoltán Balog, a confidante of Viktor Orbán. Balog is a Hungarian Reformed (Calvinist) minister who offers spiritual guidance to Orbán. Balog is a newcomer to politics. He became a member of parliament only in 2006, but his party immediately named him chairman of the Committee on Human Rights, Minorities, and Religious Affairs. Some people find the notion of Balog as the guardian of human rights and  minorities akin to the fox guarding the hen house because he made some derogatory remarks about homosexuals whose rights this committee is supposed to defend.

As far as I can piece things together the background of the "non-meeting" is as follows. Katalin Szili, speaker of the house, is concerned about the state of the Hungarian minorities in the neighboring countries. She often makes trips to Slovakia, Romania, and Serbia. She came up with the idea of a joint session of the Slovak and Hungarian parliamentary committees on human rights in Budapest. (The Slovak committee has members representing the Hungarian minority in Slovakia.) Szili's idea was that such a meeting would help to forge better relations between Slovakia and Hungary. She even tried to mitigate risk: she had a chat with Balog, took a look at the agenda, and when Balog mentioned that he would like to show a video of the soccer match at Dunajská Streda (Dunaszerdahely) where the Slovak police roughed up some Hungarian fans, Szili expressed her misgivings and made Balog promise to drop the idea. Well, Balog promised, but the good minister didn't keep his word. Apparently, a discussion of the ill-fated soccer match was scheduled to be the last item on the agenda, but Balog insisted that the video be shown first, before any discussion.

The Hungarian members gathered first, and Balog tried to convince them to show the video, to no avail. Meanwhile the Slovaks were waiting in the corridor. Apparently close to forty-five minutes. Eventually Balog went out to meet them and explained what he was trying to do. At that point the Slovaks turned around and left the building and the Hungarian capital. Szili was furious and accused Balog of making Slovak-Hungarian reconciliation impossible. There was a segment on TV2 news that showed the two of them. Balog tried to convince Szili that all would be well, while Szili countered that "after this, it will be difficult." She also added that she finds Balog alone responsible for this very unfortunate event.

Balog's initial defense was that his was the only possible reaction to the Slovaks' refusal to admit that the police attacked the Hungarian fans with no provocation. Truth is more important than "politeness." Basically, the hell with diplomacy. The argument that such incidents between the two countries might have a negative effect on the Hungarian minority's situation in Slovakia didn't seem to make an impression on Balog. Moreover, Balog's party came out with its big guns. Yes, good relations are fine but "there are questions that must be settled before we can move forward on any other issues.... No diplomatic politeness can take precedence over the duty of a Hungarian parliamentary member to defend the personal safety of Hungarians within and without the borders."  Further, "Fidesz wants to avoid the appearance of such a misconception that one can do anything with Hungarians." The communiqué added that the current Hungarian foreign policy "is weak and dishonorable" and should be replaced by one that "is based on mutual respect, personal freedom and safety" among countries.

In light of the uniformly negative reaction in Slovakia, a day later Balog changed his tune. He was criticized not only by Slovaks but also by Hungarians within Slovakia. For instance, the Hungarian party in Slovakia (MKP) expressed its misgivings. The Slovak parliamentary committee's chairman, a Hungarian, was responsible for his committee's abrupt exit from Budapest. So Balog, the quintessential diplomat, wrote a letter to the chairman of the Slovak committee in which he first expressed his total bafflement over why the Slovaks refused to enter the room. He added that he was convinced that "there was no alternative to discussion" and therefore he asked them to return to the negotiating table. His ultimate concession was geographical. The meeting didn't have to take place in Budapest; it could be scheduled either in Győr or in Mosonmagyaróvár, closer to Bratislava. Or, if the Slovaks preferred, Balog and his fellow committee members would be ready to go to the Slovak capital.

This conciliatory moment was soon swamped by a litany of Slovak sins against the Hungarian minority. There are several laws that discriminate against the Hungarians in Slovakia and "we cannot accept this, and we hope that soon enough [the Slovak government] will also recognize that such a situation is unacceptable." To add insult to injury, Balog commiserated with the Hungarian chairman of the Slovak committee: how difficult it must be for a Hungarian to lead a Slovak parliamentary committee! Finally, he repeated that he still wants to keep on the agenda the topic of the soccer game and what happened there.

What do you think? Will there be another meeting? I doubt it.

Fico and Gyurcsány in Komarno

At last. After months and months of strained relations between Slovakia and Hungary the two prime ministers agreed to meet. The original plan was to begin the negotiations in the Slovak Komarno (on the left bank of the Danube) on Saturday, then stroll over the Elizabeth Bridge to the Hungarian Komárom. However, this morning the news came that plans had changed. Robert Fico obviously doesn't want to set foot on Hungarian soil. Not too promising a beginning.

A little digression if I may. Ten percent of Slovakia's population is Hungarian speaking. They reside mostly in the southern parts of the country and are especially numerous north of the Danube River. In 1918-1919 this area was inhabited solely by Hungarians and although since then a lot of Slovaks have moved into the area, Komarno (with a population of about 40,000) still has a Hungarian majority. Lately with the help of Hungarian money they even established a Hungarian university in the town. Komárom on the Hungarian side is considerably smaller, with a population of about 20,000. The left bank settlement was always more important than the smaller town on the right bank and it became especially so when the Turks occupied the territories south of the Danube but never managed to conquer today's Komarno. In the late nineteenth century at last a bridge was built and today's Komárom on the Hungarian side was united with the old medieval town on on the left bank today called Komarno.

But let's get back to Slovak-Hungarian relations. In the last two years (since the advent of the current Slovak government) relations between the two countries have been particularly tense. The English-language Slovak weekly, Spectator, wrote on July 3, 2006: "Smer party invites opposition HZDS and SNS to form government as 'worst-case scenario' comes to fruition." Fico's party, Smer, is allegedly a left-wing, socialist party while HZDS and SNS are far-right and nationalistic parties that were responsible for Slovakia's very bad reputation in Europe prior to 1998. As Spectator said in 2006, Vladimir Meciár of HZDS and Ján Slota of SNS could again hurt Slovakia's image abroad. But Fico needed the help of these two parties to form a government. In fact, the three party-coalition has a solid majority in the Slovak parliament (85 of a total of 150 seats). Initially Fico encountered problems in Europe after forming a coalition with two parties of the far right. His party's membership in the Socialist International was temporarily suspended. But he weathered the initial sanction from the outside world and became very popular at home. First, he inherited a vibrant economy. The government between 1998 and 2006, a conservative Christian Democratic coalition led by Mikuláš Dzurinda, introduced rather heavy handed but effective reforms and managed to attract large foreign investors (especially from the auto industry). As a result Slovakia has seen spectacular economic growth over the past few years, and the citizens are proud that Slovakia will be the second former socialist country to introduce the euro--as of January 1, 2009. (The first was Slovenia.) In addition, the government's nationalistic policies add to its popularity.

What can the meeting between Fico and Gyurcsány achieve? As far as I can see, nothing. Gyurcsány will go to Komarno and will outline the Hungarian position. To wit, the Hungarian government and all the parties condemn the recent actions of the Hungarian extreme right. They are against Hungarian nationalism, they are against extremists entering Slovakia in Nazi uniforms. They are also against these little Nazis marching up and down in Hungary, but what can the Hungarian government do? Their case is pending in the Hungarian courts. The courts are independent and for one reason or another they don't want to move. The government cannot ban the uniforms and the insignia because the same courts declared them different enough from the emblems of Ferenc Szálasi's Arrowcross Party. The Hungarian government is helpless. On the other hand, Ján Slota's party is part of Fico's coalition and Slota's anti-Hungarian outbursts are unacceptable. The Hungarian government hoped that Fico would condemn Slota's unacceptable behavior but he didn't. Gyurcsány will most likely mention the police attack on the Hungarians at the soccer game in Dunajská Streda (Dunaszerdahely) and remind Fico that the Hungarian government is still waiting for the promised proof that the police action against the Hungarian fans was justified.

Fico will respond that the Hungarians still view Slovakia as their own. Surely, the Hungarians must understand that the Hungarians of Slovakia refuse even to learn Slovak well. Slovak public opinion is aroused by Hungarian provocations like the remembrance of the First Vienna Award of 1938 that mutilated Slovakia with the help of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. And yes, Ján Slota says some outrageous things, but after all he is not a member of Fico's government. And the discussion will end here.

Some people wonder whether there will be a joint communiqué issued after the meeting. I'll be most surprised if there is.

Slovak-Hungarian relations: getting worse and worse

I wrote earlier about a second-rate soccer match between a Bratislava team and a team from Dunajská Streda, better known in Hungary as Dunaszerdahely (see blog witten on November 1). The latter is a  town of 23,000 inhabitants whose overwhelming majority is Hungarian speaking. It seems that extreme nationalistic groups on both sides had for weeks prepared themselves to create a disturbance at the game. About one thousand Slovak extreme nationalists and about the same number of Hungarian extremists arrived in town. Everybody was anticipating a confrontation, including the Slovak police who appeared with a force of about 1,500 men.

It's difficult to know exactly what happened. Each side has its own story. The Hungarian "fans" claim that there was no disturbance in their sector of the arena and that the Slovak police brutally attacked them without reason. The videos that circulated on the Internet indeed show Slovak policemen using their nightsticks rather indiscriminately on the retreating Hungarians. But I'm a cautious sort, and there is a very good possibility that the video segment we see doesn't tell the whole story. Moreover, the breakdown of arrestees indicates that the Slovak police were not kinder to their own extremists. About the same number of Slovaks and Hungarians were arrested and later released.

When it comes to nationalism people lose all reason. Most likely the majority of the Hungarian population, even those who do not sympathize with the extremists who wreak havoc in Budapest, were outraged at the "brutality" of the Slovak police. Yes, they do admit that it was not appropriate to go to Slovakia with pictures of Greater Hungary, a Hungary that included as part of its territory present-day Slovakia, then known as the Upland (Felvidék). And, yes, it was provocative to display irredentist slogans. But, they add, neither justified the use of brutal force.

The extremists, sensing the sympathy of the country, immediately went on the attack. They gathered close to 1,000 people in front of the Slovak embassy, burned at least one Slovak flag, and displayed  signs demanding "Death to Ján Slota." Ján Slota, head of SNS (Slovak National Party), is not a nice man. Hungarians are high up on his hate list, but Gypsies and homosexuals are not exactly his favorites either. He considers the Hungarian minority in Slovakia "a cancer in the body of the Slovak nation," and a couple of times he alluded to the joy he would feel someday moving into Budapest inside of a tank. Every time Slota says something outrageous all of Hungary listens. Before the current coalition which includes Slota's party came to power in 2006, Hungarian-Slovak relations were cordial. But, of course, then the coalition partner was MKP (Magyar Koalició Pártja/Strana Mad'arsklek Koalícije), a party of the Hungarian minority.

So on the one hand there is Slota and the anti-Hungarian feelings he whips up and on the other hand there is the growing Hungarian extremism fueled by Slota's rhetoric. They feed on each other. The latest is that a group of 41 men, 28 in uniforms strongly resembling the outfit of the Hungarian Nazis, crossed the border and laid a wreath at a statue of Virgin Mary in remembrance of the First Vienna Award (November 2, 1938) which with the arbitration of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy awarded parts of southern Slovakia to Hungary. The place was Királyhelmec (Král'ovský Chlmec) not far from the Hungarian border in the county of Kosice (Kassa). Well, the uniforms are most objectionable and according to Slovak law the emblem of Nemzeti Őrsereg, a paramilitary organization, is a forbidden Nazi symbol. See the emblem here. By the way, there is a similar legal restriction in Hungary, but Hungarian authorities decided that this emblem is not exactly the same as the symbol used by the Hungarian Nazis. Although it is red and green, the arrow crosses are not the exact duplicates of the old. The Slovaks thought otherwise. They arrested the 28 men and, although they were released and could return to Hungary, they will have to appear in a Slovak court at a later date. The maximum sentence for this particular crime is four years. The minimum is six months. I'm almost certain that the Slovak courts will be less charitable than the Hungarian ones were when it came to the Hungarian Guard and other paramilitary organizations. Months have gone by and the Hungarian Guard is freely recruiting and growing in number.

I have heard rumors that Fidesz wants to have a united front of the five parliamentary parties to condemn the Slovak brutality and thus defend the Hungarian extremists. One can only hope that sanity will prevail. Such a move would only add oil to the fire and perhaps damage Slovak-Hungarian relations for a long time to come.